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>>>> तुम्हाला तसे वाटत नसावे या आशेने तुम्हाला विचारले.
झक्की, माझी वरची पोस्ट वाचा! थोडफार कळु शकेल, जेवढ मला कळल तेवढ लिहिल! 
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एरवी केतकरान्चा कुमार मारे वर तोन्ड काढुन सान्गत असतो की "इतिहासात रमु नका"........!
पण सन्घ आणि सावरकरान्बाबत मात्र उण्यापुर्या सत्तर वर्षान्च्या इतिहासातील प्रत्येक "dnyaat" क्षणाला/घटनेला चिवडीत चिवडित, ते कसे वाईट, म्हणुन आम्ही कसे चान्गले असे सान्गत दिन्डोरा पिटत बसणार्यान्ची तोन्डे बन्द करायला भारतात काही हुकुमशाही नाही, तेव्हा हे झक्की, "निन्दकाचे घर असावे शेजारी" हेच धोरण योग्य नव्हे काय?????
(एक लक्षात नक्की ठेवावे की बोलभाण्ड शत्रु पेक्षे मुका शत्रु जास्त घातक असतो! आणि सन्घाचे मुकेपण ज्यान्ना घातक वाटते ते ते सन्घाला अशाप्रकारे तर्कशुन्य व वास्तवाला सोडुन असलेले टिकास्त्र सोडुन बोलते करु पहातात, गेली कित्येक वर्षे..... चालुद्यात! आपली तर बोवा करमणुक होते!)
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"लालभाई" तुमचे खरे नाव काय हो? तुम्ही टोपण नावाने लिहीता म्हणून विचारलं. राग मानू नका हं खरं नाव विचारलं म्हणून. का खरं नाव जाहीर केले तर, संघवाले काहीतरी भयंकर करतील अशी भीती वाटते?
बाकी तुमची मुक्ताफळे वाचताना केतकरांच्या कुमारचा भास होतो. अगदी हुबेहूब तशीच स्टाईल! "सोनियासत्ता" कोणीही वाचत नाही आणि त्यातल्या लेखांना अजिबात गंबीरपणे घेत नाही, म्हणून केतकरांचा कुमार तर "लालभाई" या नावाने लिहीत नसेल ना? तुमच्या आणि कुमारच्या लेखनात एकच फरक आढळला. तो म्हणजे तुम्ही "गांधीवध" हा "वध" होता हे कबूल केलतं. केतकरांचा कुमार मात्र अजून त्या घटनेला वध मानायला तयार नाही. अजून काही काळानंतर आपोआप डोळे उघडतील.
असो. सांगायचा मुद्दा असा की संघावर गेल्या ८१ वर्षात अनेकांनी दुगाण्या झाडायचा अयशस्वी प्रयत्न केला. संघावर अनेक वेळा बंदी देखील आणली गेली. पण संघाला काही इजा होण्याच्या ऐवजी, दुगाण्या झाडणार्‍यांचेच चारही खूर जायबंदी झाले. त्यामुळे तुम्ही जरा सावध रहा. चारपैकी निदान दोन तरी खूर वाचवा, म्हणजे वेळ पडलीच तर पलायन करायला बरं!
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>>>>>> म्हणून केतकरांचा कुमार तर "लालभाई" या नावाने लिहीत नसेल ना?
अगदी अगदी.....! मला पण बरेचदा ही शन्का आली हे की लोकसत्ताच्या एअरकण्डिशन हापिसात बसुन फावल्या वेळात "कोण बघत नाही असे पाहुन" कुमारराव पोस्ट खरडत असतील.....!
अन त्याची इमेल सोनियाला पाठवित असतील, अर्थात ट्रान्सलेट करुन!  DDD
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एकंदरीत "भाई" हे प्रकरण डेंजरस असतं. मुंबईचे काही "भाई" तर जगप्रसिद्ध आहेत. कुमार केतकरही मुंबईचे. "सोनियासत्ता"ही मुंबईचाच. सगळ्या लिंक बरोबर जुळायला सुरवात झालीये.
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खालील लेख वाचल्यावर "लालभाईंचे" संघाविषयीचे ("सोनियासत्ता" वाचून झालेले") गैरसमज दूर होतील अशी आशा आहे. लेख खूप मोठा असल्यामुळे मराठीत भाषांतर करणं जमलं नाही यांबद्दल क्षमस्व!
Mission & Vision of RSS
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ANTIDOTE TO SELF-OBLIVION
The idea of founding the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was conceived at a time when self-oblivion had overtaken the society. The struggle for political independence occupied the minds of people; this was but natural. However, what was asked was the tactic assumption that the advent of freedom would automatically usher in a revival of genuine nationalist values which had perforce receded during foreign rule. Looking to the West as the pinnacle of civilization, irrationally perpetuating the Britishers' self- serving theories of the 'White Man's burden'; that the Hindus were 'a nation-in-the-making', that the Hindus had achieved nothing of significance in the past, that Westernisation was the only hope for 'the dying race' that were the Hindus; unquestioning acceptance of myths floated by Westerners even in the name of history (e.g., that the Aryans came from outside), that life in Bharat was and had always been at a near-primitive state; - acceptance of such numerous myths had virtually become mandatory for anyone with the slightest pretensions to education or intellectuality.
That this breed still claims adherents even four and a half decades after Independence bespeaks the intensity of the overarching colonial legacy.
All the father-figures of national renaissance from Swami Vivekananda to Lokmanya Tilak and Mahatma Gandhi had laid great stress on the fact that releasing the society from such mental thraldom was as necessary as throwing out the imperialist rulers.
While efforts to hasten political independence were being pursued in 'various forms, there were few or no sustained efforts for restoration of the Hindu psyche to its pristine form. Indeed, it is the latter which should constitute the content or core of freedom.
Such was the backdrop for envisioning a country-wide movement such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.
Is it not the lack of social cohesion which enabled a handful of traders and shop-keepers (who were no match to us either in intellectual brilliance or physical prowess) to establish their empire here? It was the native chieftains who facilitated the repeated destruction of the sacred Somnath shrine. Wasn't it Raja Mansingh who, by becoming a kingpin of Akbar's regime, betrayed the interests of the Hindus?
As if testifying to the sagacity of the proverb The more things change, the more they remain the same' - considerable sections of the so-called academia and the elite even today display a singular lack of national consciousness even after witnessing such horrendous insult to nationhood as partition of the country.
The fact that such a breed continues to exist even after so much historical and recent experience provides the strongest reason det're for intense and continuous propagation of the ideal of nationalism and the recognition of the Hindu national identity as a fundamental fact transcending corroboration and discussion. Any compromise in this regard is bound to cause peril to hard earned freedom; and without freedom there will be no prospect of progress for all either.
Equally, it is a fact of history that national consciousness should not merely remain an idea or concept, but should be reflected in every single activity of life.
A burning devotion to the Motherland, a feeling of fraternity among all citizens, intense awareness of a common national life derived from a common culture and shared history and heritage - these, in brief, may be said to constitute the life-springs of a nation.
It is these sentiments which have to be instilled in each child. Obviously, this task is beyond the capabilities of political institutions. This is basically a social task.
The mechanism Dr. Hedgewar evolved for fulfilment of this all-important task is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Dr. Hedgewar not only had the foresight to anticipate this need, but also the skills of organisation needed to give a concrete shape to that concept.
SANGH : A DYNAMIC POWER-HOUSE
Great oaks from little acorns grow. What started as a tiny stream in an obscure corner of Nagpur in Maharashtra 68 years ago has now swollen into a mighty river engulfing the remotest villages of the country. That the number of Sangh Shakhas has crossed 25,000 is one indicator of the expanding reach of the Sangh.
It redounds to the foresight of Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar (1889 - 1940) that he anticipated the need for strengthening the foundations of the Hindu society and for preparing it for challenges on social, economic, cultural, religious, philosophical and political planes. A galaxy of savants such as Dayananda and Vivekananda, Aurobindo and Tilak, had sown the seeds of the most recent phase of national renaissance. What was needed was a sufficiently strong instrumentality for carrying that process onward.
This instrumentality was created and bequeathed to the nation by Dr. Hedgewar in the form of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh which he, after years of deliberate and patient preparation, founded at Nagpur on 27th Septem- ber, Vijayadashami Day of 1925.
One of the hazards of organisation-building is allowing one's vision to be clouded with immediate concerns, resulting in dilution of perception of the ultimate goal. Dr. Hedgewar's especial strength was that he never allowed demands of the immediate present to veer him away from the ultimate mission he set to himself.
Keeping aflame the spirit of freedom and endeavouring simul- taneously to strengthen the cultural roots of the nation marked the twin features of the character of the Sangh from the beginning; and that has to this day remained its main plank. Every passing day has confirmed the validity of this basic philosophy. Erosion of the nation's integrity in the name of secularism, economic and moral bankruptcy, incessant conversions from the Hindu fold through money-power, ever-increasing trends of secession, thought-patterns and education dissonant with the native character of the people, and State-sponsored denigration of anything that goes by the name of Hindu or Hindutwa: these pervasive tendencies provide ample proof of the soundness of the philosophical foundation of the Sangh as conceived by Dr. Hedgewar and its continued relevance for the survival and health of the Hindu society and of the nation as a whole. It is the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh alone which has consistently been sounding the alarm against all these wrong tendencies in the body-politic of Bharat.
Dr. Hedgewar said often, "Even if the British leave, unless the Hindus are organised as a powerful nation, where is the guarantee that we shall be able to protect our freedom?" His words have proved to be prophetic. Conjointly with Independence, parts of Punjab, Bengal, Sindh and the frontier-areas were sundered from Bharat; and, four and a half decades after the nation's attaining freedom, Kashmir remains a thorn in the flesh.
Continuous efforts have been there to make Assam a Muslim- majority province. Likewise, no-holds-barred efforts to proselytize by Christian missions continue unabated. Even armed revolt has been engineered (e.g., in Nagaland) to carve out independent Christian provinces. Such activities receive ready support and unlimited funds from foreign countries and agencies keenly interested in destabilizing Bharat for their own ends.
Sangh's alone has been the voice of genuine patriotic concern amidst the cacophanous, politically inspired shibboleths of undefined secularism, etc.
Even at the inception, the Sangh was viewed by its founder not as a sectoral activity or movement, but as a dynamic power-house energising every field of national activity.
SANGH'S MARCH : SOME THRUST-AREAS
The Sangh has often been misrepresented by its detractors, political or ideological, as having political motives or as a paramilitary organisation. The seven-decades-long growth of the Sangh and its ever-growing influence over the society are also sometimes attempted to be evaluated in political terms. But the Sangh, it must be remembered, is for attaining the 'Saravangeena Unnati' (all-round development) of Bharat, and for this end only the swayamsevaks pledge to dedicate themselves. They do desire that the political field too needs to be cleansed and reformed, based on Hindu values and ethos, but politics is just one among the many facets of social life. As such, to cast political aspersion on Sangh is, to say the least, baseless, since the concept of all-round development encompasses the entire spectrum of life, including politics.
The Sangh has to its credit a few thousands of service projects, covering varied fields of social life. Apart from the projects, the swayam sevaks on their own are rendering service to the society, individually and collectively too, wherever needed, whatever the cause. In fact, a Sarvodaya leader, in appreciation of the service rendered by the swayamsevaks for the cyclone-hit victims of Andhra Pradesh in 1977, meaningfully said that 'RSS' stood for 'Ready for Selfless Service'. Obviously, the real purpose of the Sangh is rightly understood by the unbiased and discerning analyst only.
The thrust of all samskars in the Shakha, though it outwardly appears to be for military-like discipline, which in any case is essential for any nation-building exercise, is for imbibing the noblest qualities of head and heart. Admittedly, a swayamsevak attending a Shakha is a common man, with exposure to unhealthy and corrupt practices now rampant in the society outside the Sanghasthan. Yet, by involving himself in all the wholesome physical and intellectual programmes, both formal and informal, in the Shakha, he in course of time becomes broadminded and service-oriented, ready to serve the society. In the Shakha, because of his interaction with the other members of society, his angularities become rounded off, the tastes and the outlook get moulded for a purer plane where, in place of self-aggran- disement, the dedication for the service of the society becomes his fervent preoccupation. With these samskars rooted deep in his mind, while he considers participating in daily Shakha, a must in his routine - for that alone provides him the driving-force for all his social work - he gets real satisfaction in applying all his energies for the amelioration of social maladies.
The Shakha, in fact, is not an end in itself, but just a means to achieve the end, which in brief is social transformation. The programmes in the Shakha are so structured that while they develop a proper insight and make one aware of the deficiencies and drawbacks in the society, it also instils a sense of pride and intense love for its glorious cultural heritage and, simultaneously, awakens his commitment to work for its emancipation.
Thus, through the instrumentality of the Shakha, men are moulded, and they in turn enter varied social fields to ennoble them with Hindu fervour. Just as the pure blood flows out of the heart, to reach each and every body-cell, taking along with it oxygen and nourishment, purging it of its dross, making it function properly and then returning back to the heart to get itself once more energised, the swayamsevaks also imbibe proper samskars in the Shakha, and then propel themselves into diverse social activities.
The aim of the Sangh is to organise the entire Hindu society, and not just to have a Hindu organisation within the ambit of this society. Had it been the latter, then the Sangh too would have added one more number to the already existing thousands of creeds. Though started as an institution, the aim of the Sangh is to expand so extensively that each and every individual and traditional social institutions like family, caste, profession, educational and religious institutions etc., are all to be ultimately engulfed into its system. The goal before the Sangh is to have an organised Hindu society in which all its constituents and institutions function in harmony and co-ordination, just as in the body organs. While this is easily perceived at the conceptual level, the institutional outer form of the Sangh is also necessary for internalisation of this habit of organised living, but without making it a creed.
The swayamsevak considers the Hindu society itself as 'Janata Janardana'-god incarnate. Any service rendered to this society, accepting nothing in return, is for him the worship of his god, the 'Samajaroopee Parameshwar' (the god in the form of the society). To him, who feels intensely for the good of the society, it provides any number of opportunities of service. The abject poverty, illiteracy, caste barriers, false sense of high and low, untouchability, exploitation, lack of medical facilities, etc., are, to name just a few, the social maladies which call for immediate corrective steps. The prime concern of the swayamsevaks all over the country is now for such service activities. At the Shakha level, a strong orientation is now given for this purpose.
It is but natural that in a self-oblivious society like ours the innate oneness and the fraternal bonds are the First casualty. As such, the poor, the illiterate and the weaker sections in the society become an easy prey for exploitation and conversion to other faiths. While the unsympathetic rich try to suck the blood of the poor, the crafty intelligent exploit the gullible. So, apart from rendering positive service, the swayamsevaks consider it equally important to combat such injustices, on behalf of the weaker sections. Militancy and intolerance become good traits when they are put to use for helping the innocent and the weak in the society. The Bharateeya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram, the Grahak Panchayat, the BMS, the BKS (Bharateeya Kisan Sangh) etc., are all spearheading such movements for social justice whenever the need arises.
In a society divided on caste, class and language lines, the greatest service from a social worker to his community will be to keep intact the very social fabric. The oneness of the society being an article of faith with the swayamsevak, it becomes all the more important for him to strive for social consolidation, especially when the self-seeking politicians try to drive a wedge between diverse groups for their own selfish ends, and anti-social elements take advantage of such sensitive situations. The unifying Hindu appeal generated by Sangh has always acted as a powerful antidote to the disintegrating pulls exercised by separatist elements, in many a trying situation of conflicts born out of casteism, untouchability and sectarianism. The Rashtriya Sikh Sangat, the Samajik Samarasata Manch of Maharashtra, the 'Speak Samskrif movement of Karnataka, and the like have been rendering yeoman service in this direction.
While founding the Sangh, Dr. Hedgewar - himself a freedom fighter had before him the goal not only of independence, but also of 'swatantrya' in its literal sense, i.e., the blossoming of 'swatantra' - the national identity - in every walk of our social life. As such, it has always been the supreme concern of the swayamsevaks, to uphold and seek re-assertion of the national honour wherever it is at stake.
The State of Jammu & Kashmir, with its oppressive Muslim-majority character, has been a headache for our country ever since Independence. The forces inimical to Bharat never wanted Kashmir to integrate itself with Bharat, and in October 1947, immediately after Independence, when Pakistan's forces invaded Kashmir, these elements conspired with the enemy to defeat every move to save the situation from our side. However, thanks to the timely collaboration of the entire Sangh force then present at Jammu with the Armed Forces of Bharat, Kashmir was saved. Had it not been for the premature and insensible cease-fire declared unilaterally by our own government, even while a large chunk of our territory was still under the siege of the enemy, our Armed Forces would then itself have driven out the latter completely beyond the borders and there would not have been this problem of 'Pakistan-occupied Kashmir' (POK), which even now continues to be a scourge undermining the sovereignty of Bharat.
The problem of Kashmir, in fact, is one of our own making, since, keeping in mind its unique demographic character, unlike other States, it has been conferred a special status under Article 370 of the Constitution, even after its total accession with Bharat. In 1952, Bharateeya Jan Sangh and Praja Parishat, in those days the political front of the Sangh in Jammu & Kashmir State, jointly agitated against this special status; and the BJS had to pay a heavy price in the death of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, the founder-presi- dent of the party, in Srinagar jail. He died under dubious circumstances, after being incarcerated there for having led a batch of satyagrahis defying the ban on his entry into the State. However, because of this agitation, the game-plan of the conspirators with Sheikh Abdullah as the kingpin, after being exposed, was thwarted and Kashmir was once more saved, for the time being.
The endless appeasement of the Muslim population, especially in Kashmir, practised by the successive governments at Delhi, has been the bane of our government's Kashmir policy. Just as too much mollycoddling and lack of discipline spoil the child, so has been Kashmir, a problem created out of our own folly. With about one-third of the State territory illegally occupied by Pakistan, a hostile neighbour, the alienated area has virtually become a haven for subversives. Knowing fully well that an open war with Bharat may prove too costly and also withchances of winning unpredictable, Pakistan is waging a cold war, abetting the militants, supplying them with arms, training them for armed revolt from within. The militants are taking advantage of the government's weakness, being sure that government dares not take ruthless action against them because of their privileged 'minority' tag. They have resorted to all types of inhuman measures to evacuate the minuscule Hindu population from the Valley. They went to the extent of o openly burning the national flag at Lal Chowk in Srinagar on an Independence Day. It was the ABVP which first accepted the challenge from the Kashmir militants, and took a massive 10,000 - strong contingent of students from all over the country to Lal Chowk to hoist the tri-colour there. The attempt, however, was foiled by the then government under V.P. Singh. Two years later, the BJP picked up the cue and a historic 'Ekta Yatra' (Unity March) from Kanyakumari to Srinagar, with Dr. Murii Manohar Joshi the party president himself as the leader, was organised. This 25,000 km-long Yatra successfully culminated at Lal Chowk, exactly on the decided day, braving all the challenges, political as well as others, and did hoist the national tri-colour there, thus proclaiming to the enemy within and without that a competent party had arrived to settle the account.
Apart from the Kashmir issue, the Sangh has all along been in the forefront in each and every national campaign, be it 'Ban Cow-slaughter' campaign of 1952 or the mass collection drive for the Vivekananda Rock Memorial at Kanyakumari in 1963. The Ekatmata Rath Yatra of Ganga Jal and Bharatmata in 1983 and the later issue of Ramajanmabhoomi temple, sponsored by the Sangh Pariwar, have irrefutably established that the Hindu society would respond like a 'Virat Purush' (one corporate body), when the innate chord of Hindusthan is stimulated to pulsate in every Hindu heart.
Thus the thrust of the Sangh and its methodology is not restricted to its outward institutional form only, but is multi-dimensional, extending beyond the boundaries of 'sanghasthan'. The aim is to activise the dormant Hindu society, to make it come out of its self-oblivion and realise its past mistakes, to instil in it a firm determination to set them right, and finally to make it bestir itself to reassert its honour and self-respect so that no power on earth dares challenge it in the days to come.
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Laalbhai
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| | Friday, March 09, 2007 - 7:29 am: | 
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"आत्मग्लानी"च्या नशेतून बाहेर येणे आवश्यक आहे, असे आवाहन केले गेले ते खरेच आहे!
जगात एक कुमार केतकर सोडून कोणीही आपल्यावर टिका करत नाही, हा समज कशाच्या जोरावर आहे, हे एक सुदर्शनच जाणे! आणि व्यक्तीद्वेषाची काय ही थोर परंपरा! असो. इथे सुधारणा होणे अपेक्षित नाही, असेच दिसते आहे.
मेढेकर माझे नाव "हसन खान" असेल नाही तर "वामन चिंतामण टिळक" असेल, काय फरक पडतो?
टिकेने व्यथित होऊन मुर्खासारखे बडबडण्यापेक्षा वर जो ईंग्रजी उतारा दिलाय, तसे काही बोला. त्याचे फायदे अधिक आहेत. आणि टिका सहन करण्याची ताकद नसेल, तर वाचताच कशाला मी लिहितो ते? उगाच स्वतःलाच खाजवून खरूज काढू नका. त्वचारोग महा चिकट असतात.
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Laalbhai
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| | Friday, March 09, 2007 - 7:33 am: |
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बोलभाण्ड शत्रु पेक्षे मुका शत्रु जास्त घातक असतो!
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बरोबर आहे, म्हणूनच कायम "मुसलमान शत्रु" "हिंदूंनी चार पोरे जन्माला घालावीत" असल्या सवंग घोषणा, वारंवार देणार्‍या (बोलभांड) संघाबद्दलचे "आदरमूल्य" घसरू लागले आहे. त्याचेच भान लोकसत्तातल्या लेखात करून देण्याचा प्रयत्न केला आहे.
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Laalbhai
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| | Friday, March 09, 2007 - 7:40 am: |
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काय गंमत आहे पहा.
मी गेले दोन चार दिवस वाट पहातोय की हे "टिका झाली" म्हणून दंगा माजवणारे लोक एकदा तरी मी दिलेले लेख वाचायचे कष्ट घेतील. पण तसे काही न करता "लोकसत्ता" "सोनिया गांधी" "कुमार केतकर" ह्यांच्यावर टिका करण्याचे सत्र सुरु केले आहे. (वर "लालभाई" म्हणजे "कुमार केतकर" असे तारेही तोडले आहेत!)
पण सुधीर जोगळेकर आणि मुकुंद संगोराम यांनी त्यांच्या लेखातला ९५ % टक्की भाग हा संघाचे कौतुक करण्यातच घालवला आहे!
"टिका" मोकळेपणाने स्वीकारून लेख वाचले असते तर, ही गोष्ट आधीच कळली असती.
हे "असहिष्णू" वृत्तीचे लक्षण आहे. ती संघवाल्यांमधेच (अगदी वरपासून खालपर्यंत!) का आहे, ह्याचे उत्तर इथे मांडण्याचाच माझा प्रयत्न आहे.
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Laalbhai
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| | Friday, March 09, 2007 - 7:45 am: |
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लिंबुटिंबू, तुमच्या "सावरकर आणि संघ" ह्या विषयाच्या उत्तराबद्दल धन्यवाद. बाकी फालतू कोट्या करुन केतकर, लोकसत्ता, सोनिया ह्यांच्याविषयीचा तुमचा द्वेष व्यक्त करण्यापेक्षा, असे काही लिहा. त्याचा फायदा जास्त होईल.
हिंदुत्त्ववादी संघवाले जिथे जिथे विरोधी मत व्यक्त होईल तिथे तिथे सगळीकडे, अस्साच दंगा घालतात आणि व्यक्तीगत टिकेच्या आहारी जातात, असे चित्र तुम्हाला निर्माण करायचे आहे काय? (म्हणजे तसे ते आहेच, त्यावर शिक्कामोर्तब करायचे आहे काय?)
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"हसनखान" उपाख्य "वामन चिंतामन टिळक" उपाख्य "कुमारभाई" -
>>> उगाच स्वतःलाच खाजवून खरूज काढू नका. त्वचारोग महा चिकट असतात.
खाजवायला तुम्हीच सुरवात केली. त्यामुळे खरूज किंवा अजून काय त्वचारोग झाले असतील, ते तुम्हालाच झाले असणार हे उघडच आहे. ज्याला खरूज असते तोच खाजवायला सुरवात करतो. आपल्याला झालेले रोग तुम्ही आपल्या नावाप्रमाणेच गुप्त ठेवलेले दिसत आहेत. तुम्हाला आपल्या खर्‍या नावाने लिहायची का भीती वाटते?
संघ स्थापन होऊन ८१ वर्षे होऊन गेली तरी, संघ निंदकांची खरूज अजून बरी होत नाही. म्हणून सारखे तेच तेच जुने मुद्दे उगाळून मलम लावत बसतात. त्यामुळे खरूज बरी व्हायच्या ऐवजी ती अजून चिघळते हे यांच्या "लाल" डोक्यात कधी येणार हे कार्ल मार्क्सलाच ठाऊक!
आधी स्वत:च्या खर्‍या नावानी लिहायला शिका. खरे नाव वापरायची हिम्मत नाही वाटतं? संघाची खोटी निंदा करणे आणि संघावर बिनबुडाचे आरोप करणे म्हणजे सूर्यावर थुंकण्यासारखे आहे! थुंकी तुमच्याच लाल तोंडावर पडणार.
मी वर दिलेल्या संघाच्या ध्येयघोरणांमुळे तुमचे तोंड कायमचे बंद झालेले आहे. बाकी तुम्हाला हे सांगून काय उपयोग? कोळसा जितका उगाळावा तितका तो काळाच!
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Laalbhai
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| | Friday, March 09, 2007 - 9:16 am: |
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मेढेकर,
The idea of founding the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was conceived at a time when self-oblivion had overtaken the society.
कॉंग्रेसमधे गांधीजींनी मुस्लिमांना बरोबरीचा सहभाग द्यायला सुरवात केली. ते सहन न होऊन मुंजे आदींनी संघाची कल्पना राबवली.
म्हणजे संघाची स्थापना "राजकिय महत्वकांक्शेने" प्रेरित होऊन झाली होती, हे स्पष्ट आहे. ही कल्पना लोकांमधे उतरवण्याचा संघाचा मार्ग वेगळा होता. (म्हणजे लोकांमधे तथाकथित स्वाभिमान वगैरे जागृत करणे!) तुमच्या मार्गालाच तुम्ही "साध्य" म्हणून मिरवताय! "सत्ता हवी" हे सत्य मांडायला लाज कसली? लोकशाहीत सगळ्यांनाच तो अधिकार असतो. तुम्हालाच तुमची इच्छा जाहिर व्यक्त करण्याची लाज का वाटते कळत नाही?
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Is it not the lack of social cohesion which enabled a handful of traders and shop-keepers (who were no match to us either in intellectual brilliance or physical prowess) to establish their empire here?
हे कुणी लिहिले आणि कशात लिहिले माहिती नाही. पण विरोधकाला कायम कमी लेखून त्याच्या गुणांचाही आदर न करण्याची वृत्ती संघात कशी भिनली आहे, ह्याचे हे उत्तम उदाहरण आहे.
मुस्लिम आक्रमक भारतात यशस्वी झाले कारण हिंदू राज्यातले आपापसातले मतभेद, असहकार्य, फितुरी आणि "आपणच इतरांपेक्षा श्रेष्ठ" ह्या हिंदू राजांच्या आविर्भवामुळे.
मूठभर इंग्रज व्यापारी भारतावर दीडशे वर्षे राज्य करून गेले त्याला कारणेही हीच आहेत. पण इंग्रजांची शिस्त, हवे ते साध्य करण्यासाठी अविरत कष्ट घेण्याची तयारी, प्रत्येक गोष्टीचे अतिशय बारकाईने निरिक्षण हे आणि असे अनेक गुण त्यांच्या विजयाला सहाय्यभूत ठरले. आजही तत्कालिन सामाजिक जीवनावरची इंग्रजांची टिपणे आजच्या अभ्यासकाला साहाय्यभूत ठरतात.
तेंव्हा शतृच्या गुणांचाही आदर न करण्याची वृत्ती संघिष्टांमधे फार मोठ्या प्रमाणावर आहे.
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A burning devotion to the Motherland,
हा एक माझ्यासाठी फारच कूटप्रश्न आहे. "ज्वलंत राष्ट्रवाद" म्हणजे काय? मुसलमानांना शिव्या द्यायच्या? भगवे झेंडे घेऊन नाचायचे? anyway, ह्याचे वस्तुनिष्ठ स्पष्टीकरण संघाकडून मिळण्याची शक्यता नाहीच. पण जडजंबाल शब्दांचा वापर म्हणजे सुसकृत वागणे, असा संघाचा समज असावा.
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It is these sentiments which have to be instilled in each child. Obviously, this task is beyond the capabilities of political institutions. This is basically a social task.
काय instill करायचे हा वेगळा मुद्दा आहे. पण संघाच्या ह्याच कल्पनेला सुधीर जोगळेकरांनी उचलून धरत, संघाकडून फार मोठी अपेक्षा व्यक्त केली आहे. पण तुम्ही लोकांनी एकही लेख वाचण्याचे कष्ट घेतलेच नाहीत.
आणि हा लेख स्वातंत्र्याच्या पंचेचाळीस वर्षांनी म्हणजे १९८५ च्या सुमारास लिहिल्याचे जाणवते. त्यानंतर वीस वर्षांनी म्हणजे २००५ मधे संघाची काय स्थिती आहे? संघ ही संपूर्णतः राजकिय महत्वकांक्शेने प्रेरित झालेली संघटना आहे. समाजातला असणारा त्याचा support base हळू हळू कमी होत आहे. हीच जाणी लोकसत्तातल्या मुकुंद संगोराम आणि सुधीर जोगळेकर ह्यांच्या लेखाने करून दिली.
पण लक्षात कोण घेतो? "आम्ही लय भारी" ना...
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That the number of Sangh Shakhas has crossed 25,000
१९८५ च्या आसपास २५०००, २००५ मधे किती, ह्याची काही नोंद आहे का?
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Sangh's alone has been the voice of genuine patriotic concern
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a common man, with exposure to unhealthy and corrupt practices now rampant in the society outside the Sanghasthan.
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The aim of the Sangh is to organise the entire Hindu society,
well, पण हे संघटन चातुर्वणाचे विधीनिषेध पाळून.
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As such, the poor, the illiterate and the weaker sections in the society become an easy prey for exploitation and conversion to other faiths. While the unsympathetic rich try to suck the blood of the poor, the crafty intelligent exploit the gullible.
उई मां!!! गोळाबेरिज कम्युनिझम???
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The attempt, however, was foiled by the then government under V.P. Singh.
तेंव्हा "परवानगी" मिळाली नाही म्हणून झेंडा मिल्ट्रीच्या ताब्यात देऊन अभाविपचे कार्यकर्ते परत आले होते! दहशतवाद्यांशी लढण्याच्या नुसत्या राजकिय आणि सवंग घोषणा!
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be it 'Ban Cow-slaughter' campaign of 1952
सावरकरांच्या विचारांना तिलांजली! "गाय हा एक उपयुक्त पशू, त्याचे धार्मिक स्तोम माजवू नका" हे सावरकरांचे परखड मत.
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थोडक्यात काय, तर हा लेख म्हणजे संघिष्ठांनी संघिष्ठांसाठी लिहिलेला संघिष्ठ लेख आहे. बहुतांश हिंदू समाजाची आपल्याबद्दल काय धारणा आहे, ह्याचा जराही उहापोह ह्यात नाही!
उलट आमच्यावर टिका कराल तर आम्ही तुम्हाला देशद्रोही म्हणू.
आम्हीच इतरांपेक्षा महान.
आम्हीच एकटे राष्त्रभक्त.
असा आविर्भाव आहेच.
त्यामुळे ह्यातून संघाची ओळख होण्यापेक्षा, संघाच्या अहंगंडाची जाणीव होते. तेच वास्तव आहे. आणि म्हणूनच संघाचा सामान्य लोकांतला base कमी होतो आहे.
पण "आत्मग्लानीत" मशगुल असलेल्या संगिष्ठांना त्यांचा हितचिंतकांनी दिलेले धोकेही कसे कळणार?
मला इथे एका अविचारी मातेची गोष्ट आठवते. थोडक्यात ती अशी, की तिने एक मुंगुस पाळलेले असते. आणि तिला एक लहान बाळ असते. एका दुपारी मुंगसाला बाळाचे रक्षण करण्यास सांगून ती पाणी आणण्यास जाते, तितक्यात साप येतो. मुंगूस मोठ्या शौर्याने सापाला मारून बाळाला वाचवतो. पण त्याच्या तोंडाला रक्त लागते. माता बाहेरुन येते आणि मुंगसाच्या तोंडाचे रक्त पाहून तिला वाटते की मुंगसाने आपल्या बाळालाच इजा केली. खातरजमा न करता ती मुंगसाला (रागाच्या भरात) मारुन टाकते. पुढे परिस्थिती कळल्यावर तिलापश्चाताप होतो.
तात्पर्य असे की, संगोराम, जोगळेकर ह्यांच्यासारख्या हितचिंतकांची मतेही ह्यांना नको असतात, कारण ती परखड आणि धोक्याची जाणीव देणारी असतात. "आत्मग्लानी" आणि "अहंभाव" ह्यांचे बेमालूम मिश्रण आपल्याला दिसते संघिष्ठांच्या वागणूकीतून.
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"निरूपयोगी" संघाच्या प्रेरणेने स्थापन झालेल्या "निरूपयोगी" सामाजिक संघटना!
SANGH - INSPIRED ORGANISATIONS - Part 1
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After the advent of Independence in 1947, the centuries-long struggle for freedom gave place to the task of nation-building precisely in a literal sense. But the crucial question was, what should be the goal and the means to achieve it. It was here that the men then at the helm stumbled. They had all along been, while engaged in the freedom struggle, equating the mere transfer of power from the alien rulers, with real independence, and hence, to some extent, were bewildered at the sudden turn of circumstances in which they were empowered with authority to rule.
In fact, for them, it was a god-given historic opportunity to shape the destiny of the nation, which was as it were taking a new birth altogether. The real need then was to identify the character and the time-tested basic values, which this ancient nation stood for, for millennia, and to reshape the nation on that basis with any modifications suited for the changing needs of the day. But they deemed economic progress and material welfare as the Finality of an independent nation.
They had before them two models, both from the West. While the American one had in it the capitalist economy with all-permissive individual freedom, which in fact was eating into the very vitals of her social life, the Russian socialist alternative with its ambitious five-year plans, presented a facade of a heaven on the earth, in which actually the individual was but a cog in the wheel.
Being enamoured by both, and material progress alone being made the touchstone, the new rulers opted to simultaneously ape both - an exercise which ultimately tended to make the nation a carbon copy of neither.
The thinking of the Sangh in this regard has all along been of a very basic nature. From its inception, the goal before the Sangh was to attain the 'Param Vaibhav' (the pinnacle of glory) of the Hindu Rashtra, the freedom from the alien rule being just a step in that direction. The transfer of power can at the most be "Swaraj' (one's own rule) but definitely not 'Swatantrya' (actualisalion of one's own potential being). The concept of 'Param Vaibhav' has ingrained in it the material progress too of the nation, but not with its very identity and interests mortgaged.
The Sangh with its total commitment to the actualisalion of 'Swatantra', in other words the Hindu ethos, keeping itself away from the powers-that-be, from 1947 onwards, began on its own to extend its influence to varied Fields of social life.
The Sangh "Pratijna' (pledge), which until then was for the liberation of the Hindu Rashtra, was amended to indicate 'San'angeena Unnati' (all-round development) of the nation. The entire gamut of social life was planned to be designed on the rock-bed of Hindu nationalism. The swayamsevaks with the insight and the organisational skill they acquired through the 'samskars' on the 'sanghasthan' and with the uncompromising urge for the national reassertion gradually began to enter one after another field of national life. The process commenced as early as in the end of forties, and has in these four decades encompassed a vast number of areas that the society is composed of.
In 1948, after the assassination of Gandhiji, when the Sangh was unjustly banned, the exuberant student and youth force, which until then was active in the Shakha work only, was mobilised to contact the public with issues of national interest, particularly the draft constitution which was then being debated in the Constituent Assembly. This movement, the Akhil Bharateeya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), in course of time has grown into a massive nation-wide student organisation, successfully harnessing the buoyancy, time, intelligence, talent and creativity in the students, over and above their educational responsibilities, for nation-building activities. Today ABVP is recognised as the front-rank student organisation with a totally nationalist outlook.
Earlier, when most of the Sangh functionaries were unjustly incarcerated, and baseless canards against Sangh were let loose by the establishment, to set the record straight, apart from the 'Organiser' weekly in English, a series of language periodicals like 'Panchajanya', 'Yuga Dhanna' (both Hindi), 'Vlkrama' (Kannada) etc., were started. Nowadays, with regard to this fourth estate of democracy, almost all the provinces have their own vernacular papers all belonging to Sangh school of thought, and command a very wide range of readership.
The educational system initiated by Macaulay with the motive of producing an army of 'brown-skinned Englishmen', to serve The imperial administration as 'the most obedient servants' was another legacy of the British rule in Bharat. After Independence, there was dire need to reshape the entire system. In 1952, the First 'Saraswati Shishu Mandir' (nursery school) was founded in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh, as an attempt towards inculcating, along with mandatory academic knowledge, discipline, patriotic outlook, love for mother tongue, high moral values and Hindu principles, the thrust of education being based upon a holistic approach to the physical, intellectual, moral and spiritual growth of the pupil. The small sapling of this 'Shishu Mandir'- which it was in fifties - has now grown into a mighty banyan tree as 'Vidya Bharati', an umbrella body for thousands of educational institutions, ranging from nursery to post-graduation level. The system of education being evolved by Vidya Bharati is based on age-old Hindu values, but having an outer structure in consonance with present-day needs of modern education.
The systematic alienation of the tribals, inhabiting remote forest-areas, but who form an inseparable part of the Hindu society, through proselytisation was another grave challenge that demanded immediate corrective measures. Far away and hence uncontaminated by the sophisticated modernity, they are yet, though deprived of literacy, committed to their own rustic cultural moorings and also are very talented. They had all along been a most exploited lot and an easy prey for unscrupulous conversion by Christian missionaries. It is to counter this twin menace of British legacy, that the Bharateeya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram (BKVA) was founded in early Fifties. The BKVA, now spread over a hundred districts in 21 States, has been striving for the all-round development of the vanavasis, in their own natural surroundings, enabling all their latent potentialities and talents to blossom. Over the decades, the Ashram has succeeded not only in putting a stop to conversions in all its areas of operation, but also in bringing the converts back to the Hindu fold.
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"निरूपयोगी" संघाच्या प्रेरणेने स्थापन झालेल्या "निरूपयोगी" सामाजिक संघटना!
SANGH - INSPIRED ORGANISATIONS – Part 2
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After the advent of Independence in 1947, the centuries-long struggle for freedom gave place to the task of nation-building precisely in a literal sense. But the crucial question was, what should be the goal and the means to achieve it. It was here that the men then at the helm stumbled. They had all along been, while engaged in the freedom struggle, equating the mere transfer of power from the alien rulers, with real independence, and hence, to some extent, were bewildered at the sudden turn of circumstances in which they were empowered with authority to rule.
In fact, for them, it was a god-given historic opportunity to shape the destiny of the nation, which was as it were taking a new birth altogether. The real need then was to identify the character and the time-tested basic values, which this ancient nation stood for, for millennia, and to reshape the nation on that basis with any modifications suited for the changing needs of the day. But they deemed economic progress and material welfare as the Finality of an independent nation.
They had before them two models, both from the West. While the American one had in it the capitalist economy with all-permissive individual freedom, which in fact was eating into the very vitals of her social life, the Russian socialist alternative with its ambitious five-year plans, presented a facade of a heaven on the earth, in which actually the individual was but a cog in the wheel.
Being enamoured by both, and material progress alone being made the touchstone, the new rulers opted to simultaneously ape both - an exercise which ultimately tended to make the nation a carbon copy of neither.
The thinking of the Sangh in this regard has all along been of a very basic nature. From its inception, the goal before the Sangh was to attain the 'Param Vaibhav' (the pinnacle of glory) of the Hindu Rashtra, the freedom from the alien rule being just a step in that direction. The transfer of power can at the most be "Swaraj' (one's own rule) but definitely not 'Swatantrya' (actualisalion of one's own potential being). The concept of 'Param Vaibhav' has ingrained in it the material progress too of the nation, but not with its very identity and interests mortgaged.
The Sangh with its total commitment to the actualisalion of 'Swatantra', in other words the Hindu ethos, keeping itself away from the powers-that-be, from 1947 onwards, began on its own to extend its influence to varied Fields of social life.
The Sangh "Pratijna' (pledge), which until then was for the liberation of the Hindu Rashtra, was amended to indicate 'San'angeena Unnati' (all-round development) of the nation. The entire gamut of social life was planned to be designed on the rock-bed of Hindu nationalism. The swayamsevaks with the insight and the organisational skill they acquired through the 'samskars' on the 'sanghasthan' and with the uncompromising urge for the national reassertion gradually began to enter one after another field of national life. The process commenced as early as in the end of forties, and has in these four decades encompassed a vast number of areas that the society is composed of.
In 1948, after the assassination of Gandhiji, when the Sangh was unjustly banned, the exuberant student and youth force, which until then was active in the Shakha work only, was mobilised to contact the public with issues of national interest, particularly the draft constitution which was then being debated in the Constituent Assembly. This movement, the Akhil Bharateeya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), in course of time has grown into a massive nation-wide student organisation, successfully harnessing the buoyancy, time, intelligence, talent and creativity in the students, over and above their educational responsibilities, for nation-building activities. Today ABVP is recognised as the front-rank student organisation with a totally nationalist outlook.
Earlier, when most of the Sangh functionaries were unjustly incarcerated, and baseless canards against Sangh were let loose by the establishment, to set the record straight, apart from the 'Organiser' weekly in English, a series of language periodicals like 'Panchajanya', 'Yuga Dhanna' (both Hindi), 'Vlkrama' (Kannada) etc., were started. Nowadays, with regard to this fourth estate of democracy, almost all the provinces have their own vernacular papers all belonging to Sangh school of thought, and command a very wide range of readership.
The educational system initiated by Macaulay with the motive of producing an army of 'brown-skinned Englishmen', to serve The imperial administration as 'the most obedient servants' was another legacy of the British rule in Bharat. After Independence, there was dire need to reshape the entire system. In 1952, the First 'Saraswati Shishu Mandir' (nursery school) was founded in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh, as an attempt towards inculcating, along with mandatory academic knowledge, discipline, patriotic outlook, love for mother tongue, high moral values and Hindu principles, the thrust of education being based upon a holistic approach to the physical, intellectual, moral and spiritual growth of the pupil. The small sapling of this 'Shishu Mandir'- which it was in fifties - has now grown into a mighty banyan tree as 'Vidya Bharati', an umbrella body for thousands of educational institutions, ranging from nursery to post-graduation level. The system of education being evolved by Vidya Bharati is based on age-old Hindu values, but having an outer structure in consonance with present-day needs of modern education.
The systematic alienation of the tribals, inhabiting remote forest-areas, but who form an inseparable part of the Hindu society, through proselytisation was another grave challenge that demanded immediate corrective measures. Far away and hence uncontaminated by the sophisticated modernity, they are yet, though deprived of literacy, committed to their own rustic cultural moorings and also are very talented. They had all along been a most exploited lot and an easy prey for unscrupulous conversion by Christian missionaries. It is to counter this twin menace of British legacy, that the Bharateeya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram (BKVA) was founded in early Fifties. The BKVA, now spread over a hundred districts in 21 States, has been striving for the all-round development of the vanavasis, in their own natural surroundings, enabling all their latent potentialities and talents to blossom. Over the decades, the Ashram has succeeded not only in putting a stop to conversions in all its areas of operation, but also in bringing the converts back to the Hindu fold.
The trade union movement guided by the alien socialist and Marxist philosophy, started in thirties, was gaining ground by the time and British left the country. This philosophy, with its faith in class conflict and its methodology of anti-production strikes, was in fact, both in theory and practice, a negation of labour and national interests. Bharateeya Mazdoor Sangh, a totally new labour movement, apolitical in character, based on Hindu tenets, was started in 1955. The BMS believes in conciliation whenever dispute arises, and considers strike as the last resort. It does fight against exploitation in any form from whichever parly, and upholds the all-comprehensive interest of the society as a whole with supreme concern. It is now recognised as a leading labour organisation even at the international level, and in the home-front, the second biggest one, far ahead of other similar organisations with socialist and Marxist leanings.
While the Sangh was by itself effective in organising the Hindus and inculcating in them healthy 'samskars' like discipline and social consciousness, the need for Vishwa Hindu Parishad began to be fell in the sixties, for augmenting certain grey areas of the activities of the former. For example, there was need to organise overseas Hindus residing in about 150 countries and provide them with necessary arrangements for upholding their Hindu samskars and faith in their daily lives. There was also need to bring all sadhus, sannyasins and orthodox mathadhipatis on a common platform, so that their combined influence could be channelised for the common good of the entire Hindu society. A mechanism to reconvert all those who had been knowingly or unknowingly proselytised to alien faiths and are now desirous of coming back to the Hindu fold was needed.
The VHP was founded in 1964, to Fill this need.
The VHP is now spearheading the movement to rebuild the temple at Sri Ramajanmabhoomi at Ayodhya in Uttar Pradesh. After a four-centuries-long physical struggle fought by the Hindus, a period in which as many as seventy-six battles were fought to recapture the premises, where once stood a beautiful temple, which was desecrated by the Moghul invader Baber, the VHP has now picked up the gauntlet to rebuild the temple, yet more magnificently, at the same spot, whatever be the price in terms of sweat and blood. The First phase of this renewed struggle was won in 1986, when the temple-door, which was unlawfully locked by the government to spite the Hindus, was thrown open to the public by a court order.
Again in 1989, the VHP could successfully accomplish the 'Shilanyas' of the proposed temple (foundation-laying ceremony), in spite of the numerous hurdles, legal and administrative, and in the teeth of bitter opposition from all those opposed to the project for their own ulterior motives. The very next year, literally lakhs of Hindus from all over Bharat stormed Ayodhya in a bid to start 'Kar-seva' (rendering physical service as an expression of their devotion), braving the hurdles caused by a hostile government, and successfully hoisted the Bhagawa Flag atop the disputed edifice. There was unprecedented bloodbath. The VHP is committed to undo the historical insult to the last nuts and bolts and it is this determination of the VHP that has instilled a spirit of righteous militancy in the Hindu society.
With the end of the British raj, Bharat became a democratic republic with a constitution of its own, when the need for a strong political alternative to the ruling party with unalloyed nationalism arose. The Sangh, though it preferred to remain apolitical, was well aware of its commitment lo social transformation, including in the political field, based on Hindu values. In fact, politics was and has been wielding all-pervading influence over each and every other field of social life; and as such there was need to evolve a totally new political culture in the country, It was in that context that a few senior Sangh functionaries, driven with the uncompromising commitment to Hindu nationalism, decided to form Bharateeya Jan Sangh in 1951, under the presidentship of Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee.
The party, apart from electoral battles, had been waging many a political fight for upholding the nation's integrity and honour. It was in the forefront of the 'Save Kashmir' movement in 1952 and also in the movement against the formation of Muslim-dominated Malappuram district in Kerala in 1969.
Having firmly established its foothold on the political arena for over twenty-five years, BJS became the strongest constituent in the Janata Party, which assumed power at the centre in 1977, on a common forum of the then existing opposition parties. Unnerved with the growing political clout of BJS, when the other constituents made the very membership of Sangh a bone of contention in the Janata Party, the swayamsevaks came out of that party and formed the Bharateeya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980.
This new party continued the legacy of the BJS, with Integral Humanism' propounded by late Deen dayal Upadhyaya as its philosophical base. The BJP, without bothering about its being isolated from other political parties, has been in the vanguard of the movement for Sri Ramajanmabhoomi and also, as a major party, has opposed the move for transfer of Tin Bigha over to Bangladesh. Their differences apart, even the opponents of the BJP accept that it has initiated a totally new political culture. After the general elections of 1991, the party has became the main opposition at the centre and is ruling in four States.
As early as in 1936, Srimati Lakshmibai Kelkar (Mauseeji) of Wardha was prevailing upon Dr. Hedgewar that just as men were being trained in Sangh, women too need to be trained in nationalism and proper samskars. After many months of discussion, Dr. Hedgewar in the end promised to extend all help to Mauseeji, to found Rashtra Sevika Samiti, an exclusively women's organisation, its goal being the same as that of Sangh but which was called upon to operate parallel to the latter and with a different name, prayer and independent structure.
The above is a brief, illustrative account of just a few among the vast number of organisations inspired by the Sangh, generally looked upon as 'Sangh Pariwar'. The 'Pariwar' in fact is very vast, since no field of activity is beyond the reach of Sangh swayamsevaks; and as such a description of each and every activity is beyond the scope of the present book. The swayam sevaks, in whichever Field they entered, with their invincible drive to translate their dream of 'Sarvangeena Unnati', have made it vibrant with Hindu nationalist ethos. Thus, what was started as a humble man-making activity in the form of Sangh Shakha, in a brief span of seven decades, especially after the advent of Independence, has now assumed the form of a unique and mighty nation-building instrument, with its benign influence pervading each and every field of social life.
http://www.sevabharathi.org/
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Dinesh77
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| | Friday, March 09, 2007 - 4:17 pm: |
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लालभाई,
खरच धन्य आहे तुमची.
तुमच्यासाठी संघ म्हणजे anger room आहे.
काहीही मनाविरुध्द झाले की राग शांत करायला घाला संघाला शिव्या.
मागे तुम्ही कुठेतरी लिहिलेले आठवते की भा.ज.पा. ला आता किती राज्यात सत्ता मिळते ते बघुया वगैरे.
ते काही तुमच्या मनाप्रमाणे झाले नाही. पंजाब आणि उत्तरांचल मधे भा.ज. पा. (अकाली दल) ची सत्ता आली. आणि त्या जखमेवर मीठ म्हणून की काय मुंबईत पण शिवसेना विजयी झाली. मग काय राग कसा शांत करायचा, घाला संघाला शिव्या. आणि परत त्यावर जी चर्चा चालते ते वाचुन पण मनोरंजन.
मला वाटते की लालभाईंच्या संघ टीकेवर कुणी उत्तर द्यायची गरज नाही. आत्ता पर्यंत कितीतरी वेळा समजावुन सांगण्याचा प्रयत्न अनेक जणांनी केला पण परत आपले रामाची सीता कोण म्हटले तर काय उपयोग?
तुमच्या टीकेला कोणी उत्तर दिले नाही तर याचा अर्थ तुमचे खरे आहे असा होत नाही.
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Aaspaas
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| | Wednesday, March 14, 2007 - 5:06 pm: |
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सतिश, जरा उशीर झाला, पण मल एका विचारावर आधारित म्हणजे वैचारिक बैठक असलेल्यांना असे म्हणायचे होते. दोघांचे विचार वेगळे आहेत हे माहित आहे, नाहीतर मधे पडलो नसतो.
लालभाई, तुझी बैठक खरेच पक्की आहे. लोकांनी बरेच अंदाज बांधलेत तुझ्याबद्दल. इथे काय आणि `दहशतवाद' तिथे काय सगळे विरुद्ध बोलत असताना तू एकटा उत्तरे देतोयस, ती ही नम्रपणे, मुद्देसूद. तुझ्या अभ्यासाचे ते लक्षण आहे.
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Mahesh
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| | Thursday, March 15, 2007 - 3:43 am: |
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अगदी खरे आहे. लालभाईंची अभ्यासू वृत्ती, आणी प्रचंड विरोध होत असुनही आपली मते परखडपणे मांडण्याची निर्भिड वृत्ती कौतुकास्पद आहे.
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Dinesh77
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| | Thursday, March 15, 2007 - 3:00 pm: |
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विरोधाला विरोध करणार्‍याचे कौतुक करत नाहित.
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Aaspaas
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| | Thursday, March 15, 2007 - 4:47 pm: |
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वरील मुद्दा जर स्पष्ट करावा
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Peshawa
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| | Friday, March 16, 2007 - 11:51 am: |
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गुळाचा गणपती दुसरे काय!, good work लाल्भाइ आता सुस्त्रपणे तुमचे मौलिक विचार वाचता येतिल. पण अभ्यास फ़क्त लोकसत्तेपुर्ता मर्यादित न थेवता इतर संदर्भ दिलेत तर जरा अज्ञान घालवण्यास मदत होइल...
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| मायबोली |
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| चोखंदळ ग्राहक |
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| महाराष्ट्र धर्म वाढवावा |
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| व्यक्तिपासून वल्लीपर्यंत |
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| पांढर्‍यावरचे काळे |
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| गावातल्या गावात |
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| तंत्रलेल्या मंत्रबनात |
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| आरोह अवरोह |
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| शुभंकरोती कल्याणम् |
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| विखुरलेले मोती |
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